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| In Rajnandgaon district of Chhattisgarh 26 policemen, including SP, killed by Naxals |
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In one of their deadliest attacks since the government named CPI-Maoist as a terror outfit last month, Leftwing ultras killed at least 23 policemen in an ambush in a forested stretch of Chhattisgarh Sunday. "A contingent of the District Force (DF) and Chhattisgarh Armed Force (CAF) drove into a booby trap laid by Maoists in a thickly forested area in Rajnandgaon district, in which 23 jawans were killed," Girdhari Nayak, additional director general of police, told. Rajnandgaon District Superintendent of Police Binod Kumar Choubey was among the injured. While the officials refused to comment on his condition, a top official on condition of anonymity said he was killed and a formal confirmation was awaited. This would be the first time in an over three-decade-old Maoist militancy in Chhattisgarh that an official of the superintendent of police rank was killed by the radical Leftists. The attack took place in the Manpur belt, some 200 km from here, in the district bordering Maharashtra. Insurgents had killed two DF personnel in a separate incident in the same area this morning. All top officials, including Chhattisgarh police chief Vishwaranjan, rushed to the site of the attack. The strike has shaken up the police force in the state which has been battling Maoist insurgency since the 1980s. Chief Minister Raman Singh cancelled his trip to Nagpur scheduled for Sunday afternoon and asked the home department to send choppers to rescue the injured policemen. July 12th, 2009 IANS CRPF rushes 600 personnel for combing ops in Rajnandgaon The CRPF on Sunday rushed 600 of its men to the ambush site in Rajnandgaon district of Chhattisgarh where 26 security personnel, including a top police officer, were killed in a twin attack by Maoists. The troops, belonging to Rajnandgaon-based 188th battalion of the force and equipped with mine detection kits and rescue equipment, were rushed to the spot to start combing operations against the banned Maoists militants. "A battalion strength (around 1,000 men) of the force is being sent to the spot for starting combing operations and sanitizing the area. Six companies (comprising 600 men) have been sent initially," a senior CRPF officer said. Twenty-six police personnel, including Superintendent of Police V K Choubey, were killed when Maoists ambushed a team, led by the slain officer, while it was en route to a police camp at Madanpara where the militants had killed two security men this morning. The Station House Officer (SHO) of the Madanpara police station area, near the ambush site, was also killed in the attack, official sources said. Additional reinforcements and communication equipment will also be sent as the CRPF troops will set up a temporary camp there, sources added. Bureau Report __._,_.___
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| Indian Economy: 2039 an affluent society in one generation |
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Slightly more than two years ago, the worst recession since the Great Depression, set in, notwithstanding all the claims from big-wigs of economic science that the days of ups and downs were long past. It was recalled that similar claim was made on October 15, 1929 when one of the tallest economists of America, Irving Fisher of the Yale University, declared that stock prices had reached "what looks like a permanently high plateau." Just a fortnight after this claim, Wall Street went down, taking the entire world, except the Soviet Union, with it. It took the world economy 25 years to return to the 1929-level. Thanks to Keynes, the myth of rational market was given up.
This myth was resurrected from the oblivion towards the last quarter of the 20th century by Thatcher and Reagan regimes under their mentor, Milton Friedman of the University of Chicago. Friedman, to quote Justin Fox (whose recently published book The Myth of the Rational Market is being widely discussed), "never believed markets were perfectly rational, but ... they were more rational than governments."
This thinking came to inform the Washington Consensus that became the basis of globalization, sought to be thrust on the world at large by the USA and institutions and economists, aligned to it. Propagandists like Thomas L. Friedman pontificated that the world had no alternative but to fall in line. In our country, the economic mess created by V. P. Singh-Chandrashekhar governments, created conditions for Washington Consensus-based economic reforms to be launched and carried forward during the Narasimha Rao regime. The role of the government was curtailed, public sector undertakings came to be fully or partially privatized, the removal of social inequalities and regional imbalances no longer remained priority for the government, welfare measures were frowned upon, and even health and education sectors were being left at the disposal of market forces and subjected to profit maximization. Nehruvian strategy of development came to be derided and the government's hands were tied by bringing in the wisdom of Arthur Laffer, embodied in the Laffer curve and zero deficit financing. Labour was to be disciplined by giving employers unrestrained power of hiring and firing. SEZ was to be kept totally out of the purview of labour laws and trade union activities.
The collapse of this scheme began on June 12, 2007 when Bear Stearns fell to the ground and with this came a chain of companies declaring bankruptcy and downing their shutters. This process continues unabated. The latest is General Motors. Millions of workers have lost their jobs and more are going to lose in the days to come.
Only the economies of two countries, India and China, continue to march forward though at a slower pace. As far as India is concerned, its plight is better than most countries of the world because it did not give up the Nehruvian strategy totally, as was underlined by the Congress president Mrs. Sonia Gandhi while speaking at a function organized by the Hindustan Times. It was due to her insistence that NREGA, rural loan waiver scheme and other welfare measures have not only been launched but have also been expanding despite opposition from economists like Kaushik Basu and Raguram G. Rajan. Economic Survey 2008-09, just released highlights this.
The rate of economic growth came down in 2008-09 to 6.7 per cent from the average of 8.8 per cent achieved during 2003-042007-08, yet, looking at the plight of most countries of the world, it is quite impressive. Despite this deceleration investment continues to be buoyant as is indicated by the fact that "The ratio of fixed investment to GDP consequently increased to 32.2 per cent of GDP in 2008-09 from 31.6 per cent in 2007-08. This reflects the resilience of Indian enterprise, in the face of a massive increase in global uncertainty and risk aversion and freezing of highly developed financial markets."
Fortunately, food grains production did not suffer any major decline in 2008-09. It was 229.9 million tonnes as against 230.8 and 217.3 million tonnes in 2007-08 and 2006-07 respectively. Index of industrial production grew only at 2.6 percent as against 8.5 per cent in the previous year. The situation as regards electricity generation too was not a happy one as its rate of generation declined from 6.3 per cent to 2.7 per cent. Inflation continued to cause worries. The 52-week average inflation, based on wholesale price index, rose from 4.7 to 8.4 per cent. If one takes into account consumer prices, the rate of inflation was higher. Both exports and imports declined largely because of recession in trade partners. Government's foreign exchange reserves declined. The budgetary position showed deficits. Gross fiscal deficit came to 6.2 per cent as against 2.7 per cent in the previous year. The revenue deficit rose to 4.6 per cent as compared to 1.1 per cent a year earlier.
Economic Survey 2008-09 expresses some kind of fatalism and helplessness when it says: "The global financial meltdown and consequent economic recession in developed economies have clearly been major factor in India's economic slowdown. Given the origin and dimension of the crisis in the advanced countries, which some have called the worst since the Great Depression; every developing country has suffered to a varying degree. No country, including India, remained immune to the global economic shock."
Obviously, this is not in accordance with traditional nationalist thinking as embodied in the documents of the Congress and the governments-led by Nehru and Indira Gandhi. Had these leaders been around, they would have explored the possibility of decoupling from the US economy by reviving NAM and persuading China, Russia, Brazil, Argentina, South Africa and so on. Did not they reject the theories of the "learned" economists from the West, aimed at discouraging India from industrialization and setting up public sector undertakings? Exploring the possibility of "decoupling" needs to be seriously pursued notwithstanding the efforts by the Survey to pour cold water on it. So long as Indian economy remains subjected to FIIs and hot money wandering in search of quick profits, it will continue to experience violent ups and downs.
The Survey has underlined the importance of inclusive growth and highlighted some of the ongoing programmes. This is, in fact, accepting the line pursued by Nehru and Indira Gandhi and rejecting the nonsense like 'moral hazard', 'no free lunch', and 'encouraging idleness' through NREGA. In fact, our democracy based on adult franchise is a big restraint that discourages toeing the line of economists like Basu, Rajan and others, deriving their wisdom from neo-liberalism. Yet they have not retreated as is clear from the basket of policy prescriptions, put forth in the Survey. These include: "Reform of Petroleum (LPG, kerosene), fertilizer and food subsidies... Limit LPG subsidy to a maximum of 6-8 cylinders per annum per household. Phase out Kerosene supply-subsidy by ensuring that every rural household (without electricity and LPG connection) has a solar cooker and solar lantern." "Revitalize the disinvestment program and plan to generate at least Rs. 25,000 crore per year. Complete the process of selling 5-10 per cent equity in previously identified profit making non-navratnas. List all unlisted public sector enterprises and sell a minimum of 10 per cent equity to the public. Auction all loss making PSUs that cannot be revived. For those in which net worth is zero, allow negative bidding in the form of debt write-off." "lift the remaining ban on futures contracts to restore price discovery and price risk-management." "Retrenchment of workers: At present prior permission of Government as per Chapter V-B of Industrial Dispute Act is needed for this purpose. This needs to be removed with simultaneous increase in compensation from the present 15 days wages for every year of service." "Factories Act needs to be amended to increase workweek to 60 hours (from 48 hours) and daily limit to meet seasonal demand through overtime."
In spite of continuously increasing economic growth rate, India ranks 132nd from the point of human development. As many as 125 nations have more per capita GDP and 126 have greater life expectancy at birth. We have more adult illiteracy rate than 147 countries of the world. The Survey admits that malnutrition continues to be a big problem. "Malnutrition , as measured by underweight children below 3 years , constituting 45.9 per cent ... has still remained much higher. ... Poor feeding practices in infancy and early childhood, resulting in malnutrition contribute to impaired cognitive and social development, poor school performance, and reduced productivity in later life. ... While per capita consumption of cereals has declined, the share of non-cereals in food consumption has not grown to compensate for the decline in cereal availability." It is needless to add that this exposes the claim that mere high rates of economic growth are sufficient to lift people above poverty line. The infatuation with economic growth must be given up and development objective needs to be pursued.
A recently published study "India 2039an affluent society in one generation" emphasizes that India's wealth gap is sure to threaten its growth. To quote Financial Times (June 24): "India needs to curb a concentration of wealth greater than that seen in Brazil and Russia or risk becoming hostage to a corporate oligarchy that will depress the rapid economic growth." The group that has authored the Survey does not seem bothered about because of their obsession with carrying forward the discredited Washington Consensus. __._,_.___
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| Why so much attention on the siege of Lalgarh but not on Dantewada and Bijapur in Chhattisgarh and Latehar in Jharkhand |
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While so much attention has been focused on the siege of Lalgarh, and there is much joy in India's urban English-speaking militarist middle class at the supposedly succeeding police and paramilitary action there, just why doesn't anyone dare to talk about the utter failure of the State against the Naxals in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand?
Where is all the machoism and the bravura in the media and the middle classes at the hopelessly one-sided war that wages on in these states? Since January this year, I have driven hours upon hours through the two states, through the most heavily Naxal-dominated areas -- the south Bastar districts of Dantewada and Bijapur in Chhattisgarh and Latehar in Jharkhand.
And the State? The Police? Non-existent. Zilch. I was in Latehar on April 22, the day the Naxals called a statewide bandh to protest the killing of five innocent villagers by CRPF. I was on the road for TEN hours and I saw not a SINGLE policeman, forget about a patrol. Just hours later, some 200 Naxals swooped down on a rural railway station and held an entire train hostage for four hours! And the State? Not a single policeman dared to enter the station.
Every time I travel in these two states, I am warned by police officers that I am doing so at my risk and that I shouldn't expect any help from them should I run into trouble. On January 26 this year, during the "Black Day" called by the Naxals, I traveled on a road in south Chhattisgarh that had never before been seized by Naxals. This time, it was. Except for one brave police officers who oversaw clearing of boulders placed by Naxals on the roads, all other police officers sat holed inside their stations.
Then, of course, is the issue of the Naxals themselves. The question that no one is asking is: just why is Mr Chidambaram and everyone else so exercised about Maoists seizing power in Lalgarh? Anyone who works in the field knows that the police and the State cannot enter many parts of the country. Until very recently, half of Bihar was like that. Large chunks of Uttar Pradesh are like that. I would like to see the police enter areas in Mumbai that are totally ruled by the underworld.
So why isn't the Indian media, the middle class, Mr. Chidambaram, the Prime Minister interested in reoccupying the badlands of UP and Bihar?
The answer is simple. In Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and also West Bengal lie hidden some of the best deposits of natural resources. The Indian middle class doesn't give a damn how many millions of people are uprooted from their villages in order to secure their natural resources. The corporate media that represents the narrow interests of the Indian industry is totally in favour of claiming such resources, even if it means employing the most brutal and repressive violence.
You need to travel to such regions, Dr. Aravindan, to see who is the victim and who is the perpetrator. The state is overwhelmingly the brute perpetrator there. Every part of the system -- the executive, the judiciary, the politicians -- are badly compromised. The indigenous people are the victims, but we brand them all as Naxals.
So just how long do you think India will be able to sustain this oppression of the people who, instead of being seen as citizens of India deserving of social justice, are brutalized and condemned as violent criminals?
Let me remind you of what is happening in the US. Right from Barack Obama to even top military generals and CIA chiefs have admitted that the brutal US campaign in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan have not made America safer. Instead, they now openly say, the American militarism has increased the threat from terrorism.
I am reminded of a cartoon I saw years ago. As his angry mother glares at him, a boy of perhaps six years in age explains his confusion as to why his younger brother, sitting besides him on the floor, was crying himself hoarse. "I just don't know why he is crying as I eat my apple," the kid told his mother, pointing at his younger sibling. "He was also crying when I was eating his apple."
We, Mr. Chekkutty, have for far too long been eating every one's apples. But, well, I think now the disadvantaged are no more as helpless as they once were.
I don't support the Naxals either. But there is no way that I can support the state, when, through people like Mr. Chidambaram, all it does is push the agenda of the rapacious capitalists who kill, maim, torture and enslave just so to trespass and illegally annex land that has for centuries belonged to the people who have lived on it.
If India's middle class doesn't wake up to this truth, the battle can only get grimmer and more violent.
Ajit Sahi Editor Tehelka __._,_.___
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| Comptroller and Auditor General detects loss of revenue worth Rs 407 cr to Jharkhand govt |
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The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India has detected huge loss of revenue worth Rs 407 crore to the Jharkhand government due to loss of rent, royalty, fees etc in the mining department. The CAG, whose report was tabled in Parliament on Friday, also points to gross financial mismanagement in different government schemes. According to the report, the department has accepted the loss worth Rs 203 crore. The CAG conducted test checks of the records of the three district mining offices between June 2007 and March 2008, in which it was found that 27.73 lakh metric tonne of coal was removed and despatched during 2005-06 and 2006-07 by six collieries according to the monthly returns submitted by them. "The monthly returns of lessees were required to be scrutinised and verified by the mining officer with annual grade notification of coal issued by the Coal Controller which was not done. Non-verification of the grades of coal resulted in short levy of royalty amount to Rs 9.99 crore," says the report. The report has also mentioned about loss of revenue due to downgrading of iron ore. Under the provisions of Mineral Transit Pass Regulations, 1976, if a lessee declared the mineral to be of inferior grade, he would have to produce a test certificate to that effect from the state geological laboratory, Hazaribagh and in case the lessee fails to furnish the test certificate within 60 days of the dispatch of mineral, it would be presumed that the dispatches have been of highest grade. However, the test check of records of the district mining office Chaibasa revealed that iron ore of higher grade was extracted from the leased area on which royalty was paid by the lessees till some time. After that, they started paying royalty at a lower rate treating it of a lower grade on the basis of a certificate of analysis of iron ore issued by a private institution. This resulted in a loss of revenue of Rs 32 lakh. Similar losses were also brought to light by the CAG, due to illegal mining. __._,_.___
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| Naxal-backed tribals in Koraput district on Tuesday forcibly reoccupied lands that non-tribals and other outsiders had cheated them of many years ago |
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Naxal-backed tribals in Orissa's Koraput district on Tuesday forcibly reoccupied lands that non-tribals, local businessmen and other outsiders had cheated them of many years ago. About 200 tribals, with red bandana-like pieces of cloth on their heads and wrists, marched into the rain-soaked agricultural fields in Koraput's Narayanpatna block, 560 km southwest of Bhubaneswar, and started tilling them. Another group of 150 tribals, armed with swords, spears and other sharp-edged weapons stood guard.
The area of land occupied by the tribals could not be ascertained. Everyone was too scared to speak as Koraput is the heart of Naxal territory in Orissa. HT had first reported (Koraput headed the Lalgarh way on June 22) how the district administration is practically non-existent in some parts of this remote district and how local villagers now take their complaints and grievances to the Maoists. A land loser, who spoke to HT on condition of anonymity out of fear of retribution, said: "The Maoists killed nine security personnel on June 18. When the police cannot defend themselves, how can they protect us?"
On June 18, the Maoists had completely cut off Narayanpatna block from the rest of the state by felling trees on the highways leading into it. They then killed nine personnel of the Orissa Special Strike Force, the elite anti-Naxal commando force, by triggering a powerful landmine when they approached the area to remove these felled trees. When contacted, Koraput district Superintendent of Police Deepak Kumar told HT: "No FIR has been lodged (about the occupation of land). So, the police cannot do anything. Anyway, it's a civil dispute and will be handled by the revenue department."
Narayanpatna block development officer BDO BM Bhuyan switched off his mobile phone as soon as HT asked him about the takeover of land on Tuesday. The modus operandi of this land grab is simple. When HT had visited the district in June, Madhusudan Pondu, 72, of Balipeta village in the Narayanpatna block, had said: "They came and hoisted red flags on our agricultural lands, signalling the end of our possession over it."
The "movement" by tribals to forcibly reoccupy land that was historically theirs is being spearheaded by Chasi Muliya Adivasi Sangha (Tribal Farmers' Association, better known by its acronym CMAS), which is allegedly backed by the Maoists. According to Srikant (he uses only one name), the state convener of CMAS, tribal land cannot be transferred or sold to non-tribals without government permission under the law.
The government has no records of how much tribal land has been sold or transferred to non-tribals. "But traders, businessmen and non-tribal outsiders have taken over nearly thousands of acres in Narayanpatna and (in neighbouring) Bandhugaon blocks over the last few decades. The government did nothing; hence, we have launched this agitation," he said.
While that is true, the Orissa government has at last woken up to the issue. Over the last fortnight, state revenue minister SN Patro has repeated several times that land taken away illegally from tribals would soon be restored to them. His department is in the process of setting up camp-courts in Koraput and some neighbouring districts to implement this promise, but the Naxals have clearly beaten the government to it. __._,_.___
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| Common School System and Constitutional Frame work |
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At the out set, it may be stated that this paper do not discuss about content of education, teaching and examination methods, medium of instruction and teaching of languages and other issues related with school education. This paper confines its discussion only to the question of access to quality education to every child through common school system of public education based on neighborhood school. Though Common School System was proposed long back by Kothari Commission, it was not implemented for the last four decades and so. The only reason that can be cited to this non-implementation of this proposal of the commission is the lack of political will on the part of the successive governments. With the Supreme Court raising the status of the right of the child education to a fundamental right, in 1993 in its judgement on Unnikrishnan case, there developed a momentum in different democratic circles in favor of the long cherished dream, the Common School System. Even after such an epoch making judgement of the Apex court, successive governments at the centre could drag on the issue and could complete their tenures without bringing legislation to ensure right to education. Those very parties, which led the union governments in the last fifteen years, are contesting in the ensuing general elections for Loksabha to come to power again. Certainly it is the right time for institutions, intellectuals and activists to raise the question of CSS for a wider debate. The state, after British rule, that came into existence in India, represented vested interests of certain privileged classes through out. Naturally, such a state would like an education system aimed at social reproduction for maintaining class relations and the prevailing economic order instead of one which can help the transformation of the society. The political parties which all wielded power either at centre or at provincial level did only run the system in the best interests of those very classes. The successive governments did not use the relative freedom within the system to achieve the democratic goals set in the constitution. However, people of this country still hope to achieve the long cherished goal of right to education through Common School System. So the debate and activism are alive. Supreme Court Judgement, certainly, continue to give strength to the debate and activism in favor of child's right to education and related issue of common school system. The hope of the people for common School system is not completely baseless. The egalitarian preamble of the constitution gives them the hope. So also, people of this country achieved many demands by waging heroic battles against different governments in the post independence period. People of this country, workers, peasants, women, dalits, tribal, teachers and students all fought against the successive governments for protection of their rights against ongoing corporate globalization. They were successful, of course, partially. So, the pioneers of the movement for common school system can keep all the confidence in the people of this country to achieve the goal. One can be certain that the peoples' movement can achieve necessary amendments for the constitution within the scope of it's' preamble and can also restrain the on going corporate globalization to realize the dream of Common School System. Of course, one has to think where to start and how to proceed in building such a historic nation wide movement. Let us take certain important questions related with constitution in formulation and implementation of the policy of common school system through neighborhood school. The constitution of India gives the religious and linguistic minorities the right to establish and run educational institutions of their choice (Art 30) and further it confers right to profession and occupation to all citizens (Art 19). These fundamental rights are extensively misused to commercialize education sector by vested interests. One can not oppose these rights conferred on minorities and all citizens, but one shall have to find ways and means to restrict the misuse of these rights. Kothari Commission also raised this very issue and concluded that private schools which do not seek aid could not be brought under common school system and the commission there by expressed its inability to curb commercialization of education. The commission proposed that by strengthening government schools and aided schools which come in the ambit of common school system and by providing quality education there, the children can be attracted to common school system of public education and there by unaided and fee collecting private schools could be rendered irrelevant gradually. After the four decades of Kothari commission report, today, the situation is still worse. While quality of education in government schools further deteriorated, the number of private schools increased multifold. If we take Andhra Pradesh for example, one out of three school students are in unaided private schools (47 out of 135 lakhs of students in 2007-08 academic years). The menace of unaided private schools was not nipped in the bud and now it has gained monstrous proportions. Vested interests are inter-woven with this sector of unaided private schools. It is late, but, may not be too late for establishing a common school system across the country. The misuse of the referred fundamental rights provided in Art 19 and 30 require being immediately checked for the purpose. The Minorities' right: Protection of minorities is the first duty of any civilized nation. The constitutional protections to that affect are to be guarded with all care. However, at the same time, one has to see that the same provisions are not misused by vested interests. Some states, say Andhra Pradesh, earlier tried to restrict the misuse of this provision is the point here. The government of Andhra Pradesh, under public pressure, made it a condition for recognition of minority institutions established under Article 30, that they should enroll minimum 85% of the students from the same minority community. This condition delivered good results for some time. Private operators could not open as many educational institutions as they wanted to make big profits by enrolling students from majority community due to this condition. However this condition was liquidated later in favor of educational tycoons. The point here is that there can be some legislation at all India level, on the above lines, to see that the article 30 is not misused. One may even suggest a suitable amendment to Art.30 of the constitution for the purpose. The Right to Profession and article 19: The text of article 19 of the constitution of India reads as follows. "19. (1) All citizens shall have the right—(g) to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business." Let us see how Supreme Court interprets the art 19 of the constitution of India in its Unnikrishnan vs Government of Andhra Pradesh case (1992). Para-64: While we do not wish to express any opinion on the question whether the right to establish an educational institution can be said to be carrying on any "occupation' within the meaning of Article 19(1)(g), perhaps, it is we are certainly of the opinion that such activity can neither be a trade or business nor can it be a profession within the meaning of Article 19(1)(g). Trade or business normally connotes an activity carried on with a profit motive. Para-67 Teaching may be a profession but establishing an institution employing teaching and non-teaching staff, procuring the necessary infrastructure for running a school or college is not 'practising profession'. It may be anything but not practising a profession. From the above paragraphs 64 and 65 of the judgment, we understand the right to trade or business provided in article 19 is not applicable to education. So also, we understand that no citizen do have fundamental right to establish an educational institution employing teaching and non-teaching staff and run it under his 'right to profession'. However, Supreme Court was not ready to give a precise meaning of the phrase 'carrying on an occupation' with reference to the said article. At the end, while vehemently opposing trade and business in the field of education, the SC allowed individuals and associations to establish educational institutions and to run them and even to collect fee from the students. The court was of the opinion that recognizing and affiliating public authorities have a right and duty to see that the admissions of students are in conformity with right to equality and other provisions of the constitution and do have the right and duty to regulate fee structure and quality of institution in an appropriate manner. This judgment was weak because it allowed individuals and associations to establish educational institutions on non charitable basis even. Such an allowance, though not allowed as fundamental right as the petitioners appealed, ultimately leads to the commercialization of education. That is what all happened. Coming again to the question of 'right to profession', as explained by 'Unnikrishnan', it do not give a fundamental right to citizens to establish an educational institution and employ teaching and non-teaching staff and earn money or otherwise. Yes, article 19 does not give a fundamental right to citizens to establish an educational institution, but every citizen does have a fundamental right to practice a profession of his choice. And, also it is to be noted that the right to practice a profession invariably includes earning a livelihood out of that. If a qualified person practice teaching profession and charges from the beneficiaries some fee against his service, he can not be penalized for that. So, in conjunction, it can be said that a citizen has a fundamental right to practice teaching profession which may include collecting fee from his students but do not have fundamental right to establish and run an educational institution by procuring infrastructure and by employing others. It means self employment in a profession including teaching profession is a fundamental right. Further, if few qualified teachers form into an association, run a school, teach lessons there to the students and collect fee from them, how can they even be penalized? They can invoke right to profession and right to association, both provided in article 19, in their favor. From the above discussion it is understandable that, there is no way but to allow so formed cooperative bodies to establish and run educational institutions. 'Unnikrishnan' did not explain the above part because it allowed individuals and associations to establish educational institutions even on a wider basis. Allowing individuals and associations to establish educational institutions even outside right to profession, as the judgment did, lead to the wide spread commercialization of education. The fifteen years' experience after the judgment necessitates a fresh look at the issue. Now, it may be required to restrict the scope of allowance to individuals and associations to establish educational institutions only under the right to profession in conjunction with the right to association. In other words, to see that education service is not converted into trade, there shall be an amendment to the constitution effecting that no individual or association is allowed to establish educational institutions on any basis other than charity basis. There can be only two exemptions to that namely; article 30 and right to profession in conjuncture with right to association as elaborated above. Cooperative associations of professionals: There can be a legislation to restrict the misuse of the provision of right to profession and right to association in the context of establishment and administering of educational institutions. Such legislation, however, shall make provision for the professional associations formed out of teachers, karmacharies, and other personnel required to run an educational institution to establish and administer an educational institution and collect fee from the students. It means, only those who would work in the educational institution form an association and the association establishes and administers the institution on its own and collect fee from the students both against the fixed and reoccurring expenditure of the school including their salaries. The membership of the association shall be restricted to only to those who practice one or other profession in the educational institution and also no person working in the educational institution shall be denied of the membership. Such legislation, while safeguarding the right to profession and right to association even in this context, at the same time restricts practice of trade in education. Such educational institutions established and administered by professional associations may be called as cooperative educational institutions and in the case of a school, it can be called a cooperative school. The clause 6 of article 19: Before we close our discussion on article 19, we may be required to see the implications of clause 6 of Art 19. "(6) Nothing in sub-clause (g) of the said clause (19) shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of the general public, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause, and, in particular, 2[nothing in the said sub-clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to, or prevent the State from making any law relating to,— (i) the professional or technical qualifications necessary for practicing any profession or carrying on any occupation, trade or business, or (ii) the carrying on by the State, or by a corporation owned or controlled by the State, of any trade, business, industry or service, whether to the exclusion, complete or partial, of citizens or otherwise]". So, the sub clause 6 is clear and, it allows the state directly or through a corporation owned by it to carry on any trade, business, industry, or service, whether to exclusion, complete or partial, of citizens or otherwise. Many advocates of common school system invoke this clause for their purpose. This clause was very much there when Kothari commission gave its report. But 'Kothari' found it difficult to invoke this clause to bring the un-aided public schools in to the ambit of common school system in the then obtaining understanding of the constitution. However, this clause was interpreted by Supreme Court, later, in many a case in favor of public interest. Former chief justice, Chandra Chud was quoted in Unnikrishnan vs. govt. of AP for his out standing understanding of the essence of the constitution. "Those rights (Fundamental Rights) are not an end in themselves but are the means to an end. The end is specified in Part IV." We can safely conclude here that the state has all the authority to nationalize all the educational institutions in the wider public interest on the basis of the provisions of the constitution. If banks can be nationalized, why not education? But the mute question is that shall the democratic sections of the society allow the state to monopolize education process. Will it not pave path for fascisation of education and culture by the state. Shall our opposition to commercialization of education and multi tier system of educational institutions lead us to accept absolute state control on education? Can we accept state control as synonymous to public interest in a country with all possible forms of inequality and with the track record of the state in its pro hegemony conduct? The people who believe in transformation of the present system based on inequalities may require establishing and running alternative educational institutions. So also, is it not the responsibility of the democratic sections of the society to demand a suitable amendment to the constitution to state clearly that education neither be a trade or business nor it can be a occupation? Further, is it not required of us to demand again to clearly state in the constitution with suitable amendment that right to profession with respect to teaching and medicine is more sacrosanct? Shall not we plead for right to profession and right to association and for the use of both of the rights in conjunction to establish and run educational institutions as elaborated earlier? While concluding the discussion on article 19 it can be stated that, as it is given now, the article 19 allowed SC to interpret it in favor of self financed colleges with 'reasonable' margin of profits. This article 19, as it is given now, can also allow the state to exercise complete control over education process If it is so needed to restrict and regiment education as the German Nazis did. The article 19 is required to be suitably amended to protect the right to teaching profession and also to plug the holes of commercialization in the name of right to occupation. In a word, with respect to education, while right to profession is to be fully fortified, the right to occupation along with right to trade and business are to be completely liquidated. Common School System: if there is an effective ban on commercialization of education by suitable amendments to the article 19 of the constitution, we will have schools of only three categories as far as ownership is concerned. 1) Schools run by central provincial and local governments, 2) schools run by charitable trusts and 3) Co-operative and self financing schools run by associations of teachers and karmacharies. These schools can co-exist in the same neighborhood. Here we can introduce the neighborhood concept. Legislation that is to be made for neighborhood school may provide that the parent/guardian can enroll their child/ward in any of the schools available in the delimited neighborhood only. While the first and second category schools would not collect any fees from the students, the third category schools which are essentially self financing schools collect fee from the students as the appropriate authority may fix time to time. However, all schools, irrespective of the category to whichever they belong, shall follow the same syllabus, same teaching and examination methods, same service conditions for the teachers etc. Right to Choice of School: The question under consideration is the parents right to enroll their child in a school of their choice. Actually this is an unfound right. Votaries of private schools on commercial lines are bringing this question to the fore. Kothari commission did not raise this question at all. The recent Bihar commission on common school system denied existence of such right either in Indian constitution or in the constitution of any other democratic country. The very concept of compulsory elementary education is based on the right of the society in bringing up the child over the right of the parent. While parents give the child a physical entity, the society gives her the socio-cultural and intellectual entity and hence the right of the society in upbringing the child overrides the right of the parent or guardian as far as schooling is concerned. On the other hand, the right of the child to grow as a harmonious social being requires her to join a neighborhood school. So, from any angularity, the so called right of the parent need not be considered in formulating the common school system. However, in the above scheme of things, a relative choice is offered to the parents. They can enroll their children in any of the schools in the delimited neighborhood. One restriction imposed in the above scheme of things is that a parent /guardian can not send her child/ward outside the delimited neighborhood. He has to choose only one of the available schools in the neighborhood if there are more than one school in a given neighborhood. Universal and Compulsory Stages: The age group of child is now defined to be 0 to 18 years all over the world. India is a signatory to the Jomtin declaration of UNESCO which reiterates the same. So, the universal right to education should be extended up to age 18 years of the child. Bihar commission on common school system recommended the same. A child can complete two years Pre School, five years primary school, five years of lower secondary school and two years senior secondary school courses before she completes age 18. While it shall be compulsory on the part of the state to provide all the said four stages of education to all children, as far as child and parent are concerned, the pre-school education and senior school education (+2 levels) shall be made voluntary. The logic behind the proposal is that the state can not impose compulsory education on young child of below 6 years age and so also, formal structure of education can not be made compulsory to the children of adolescent age, say 16 to 18 years where the young child develops her own personality on her own imagination. However, the responsibility of the state to provide education to all children 4-18 age group remains all the same. 4 - 5 years-- Universal pre primary education (Child care and education centers attached to primary school) 6 - 15 years-- Compulsory and Universal 10 years of middle school education (5 years Primary and 5 years Lower Secondary) 16 -18 years-- Universal Senior School Education (Pre University or Job enabling education) In this scheme, a child, as he or she completes age 18, either become eligible to pursue higher education by completing pre-university course or become eligible to take up some vocation by completing some technical, industrial or skill oriented course. If the right of education ends at the age fourteen as the 86th amendment Act provides, the child will be neither eligible for higher education nor for skill oriented Job. It will be very dangerous to leave the child without direction at the age 14. So, any policy on school education shall provide for free and universal education up to age 18. The above proposed scheme, if implemented, will be in conformity with 10+2 system in vogue for many decades through out the country. This scheme facilitates 10 years common core curriculum in a given state and also provides for two years diversified courses to suit the conditions and interests of different individual children. At +2 level, some students who want to pursue higher education would like to join pre-university courses while others would like to take job enabling courses like polytechnic, industrial training and vocational courses. Union list vs. State list: The subject, education was originally in state list and has been shifted to concurrent list in the period of emergency by 42nd amendment Act to the constitution. We know that states in India are linguistic and cultural entities and so they require formulating their educational policies at school level to pursue their linguistic and cultural identity needs. After twelve years of school education, as elaborated above, some students will pursue higher education to attend the professional and intellectual needs of the nation as a whole. So, it may be suggested that while school education will be in the state list, the higher education will be in concurrent list. If such a redistribution of powers is effected, different states can formulate their own common school systems in the given constitutional frame work. The shifting of school education subject to state list shall not come in the way of financial and academic support from the centre. Of course, the states will have to advance the ethos propounded in the constitution through their school system and will have to implement basic tenets of common school system of public education formulated at all India level and provide free education to all children up to age 18 for achieving the national goal of building democratic, secular and informed society. Shifting of the subject of school education to state list facilitates the states to protect the cultural rights of the people of different regions and also to address the questions of inequalities between different social-sections. More important point may be that the people of different states can influence their own state governments to implement pro-people policies than they can influence the union government. So also, we know that more concentration of powers in the centre means faster growth of corporate globalization and enhanced danger of mono-culturist attacks. The point here is that while there shall be a broader framework of common school system of public education on the basis of neighborhood school concept at all India level, the states shall have more freedom to formulate their own policies to protect their own cultural identities on one hand and to achieve national goals on the other. Equitable Quality: Earlier we have seen that, under the proposed regime, there can be only three categories of schools, at the most, in a given habitation. The numbers of schools which run on charity lines are falling very fast and for all practical purposes, we will find only two categories of schools namely, 1) Government run schools and 2) Self financing cooperative Schools run by professional associations of teachers and karmacharies on their own. If government schools are established in sufficient numbers and are facilitated to deliver quality education, 80% of the parents would only enroll their children in government schools. Only the families of top economic group, say about 20% may prefer to enroll their children to private schools. If government schools are provided with sufficient qualified teachers and necessary infrastructure, they can certainly deliver quality education. At such a stage, private schools can not excel government schools even they spend more money because education suits as a public service better than as private service. In a word, provision of needful conditions in government schools to deliver quality education leads to comparable standards across all managements in course of time. There are many examples, in Andhra Pradesh state, where government schools excel private schools in every aspect. The point here is that the government schools can be strengthened to provide quality education comparable to best private schools. Even after such a stage of development, private schools may remain in existence as status symbols and luxurious centers of richer sections of the society until radical transformation of the society. Public-Private Participation: Bihar commission on Common School System proposed that the government should extend aid to all recognized private schools and bring them under common school system of public education based on neighborhood school practice and where those schools will have to stop collecting fee from the students up to class VIII. The report suggested that the schools which collect fee from the students be derecognized. I do not know whether such a suggestion can be implemented within the scope of our constitution as it stands now and whether can we make necessary amendments to the constitution, given its' general frame work, to bring a suitable legislation to implement the suggestion of the commission. On the other hand there is every possibility that the private managements collect both the aid from government and fees from the majority students. This proposed aid to private schools may become a scheme of 100% reimbursement against the 30% reimbursement proposed by RTE-2009 bill recently introduced in the Rajya Sabha. Everybody knows that the World Bank formulated the Policies of Public Private Participation and is promoting in different countries with an aim of siphoning of public funds to private operators. At this stage, every person who are on the side of the people require to be careful against the designs of different governments trying to push PPP schemes in different forms. I propose that this seminar should suggest in clear terms that public funds are to be spent entirely in public institutions only and private institutions can not be supported by public funds. In the present situation of corporate globalization guided by World Bank and where state overtly is supporting forces of market, there is every danger that the public funds are siphoned to private agencies in one or other form if not taken care of. Understanding of Common School System: From the above discussion, we understand the limitations of the constitution of India, even after possible amendments within its frame work, in evolving a common school system. We may be able to take the following measures within the broad framework of the constitution. 1) There shall be an amendment to the constitution effecting that no individual or association is allowed to establish educational institutions on any basis other than charity basis. There can be only two exemptions that are provided by article 30 and right to profession in conjuncture with right to association as elaborated above. 2) There shall be an all India legislation allowing professional associations to establish schools and administer them on the basis of self financing. They can collect fees from the students for running the school including fixed costs. The membership of the professional association shall be restricted to only those who work in the school and none of those who work in the school shall be denied membership in the association. 3) School education shall be in the state list and union government shall render financial and academic support to the states to achieve the national goal of universal child education up to age 18. 4) And all state governments/UTs are required to establish sufficient number of schools, provide qualified teachers and necessary infrastructure and enable the staff there to provide quality education to the students in government schools. 5) The government shall universally provide to all children i) 2 years pre-primary education, ii) 10 years middle school education, iii) 2 years senior school education free of cost 6) Parents/guardians are required to enroll their children/wards in one of the available schools (government, charitable and self financed) in their neighborhood. They shall not be allowed to send their wards outside their neighborhood as delimited by appropriate authority. ENABLING THE CHILD TO EXERCISE ITS RIGHT TO EDUCATION: Of course, the provision of quality government school in the vicinity of every habitation is very important, no less important is the provision of necessary conditions for the child to participate in school education on regular basis. Many children are not able to go to school, even education is provided free of cost, due to their family conditions. In Andhra Pradesh alone 20 lakh children of age group 6-15 are out side school. They are expected to be in the middle school. They make more than 13% of the relevant age group. In Andhra Pradesh 27% children drop out before they complete class V, 43% of children drop out of school before they complete Class VII and only 25 out of 100 who enroll in class one graduate middle school that is class X. There are different reasons for this drop out of children from schools. But, all reasons are emanating from poverty of the family. This paper is not intended to elaborate on the question. What is attempted here is to suggest some measures to enable the child to exercise her right to participate in school education. Bihar Commission on CSS took a historical stand when it suggested that no child shall be an orphan in our country. It suggested that if the child does not have her own guardians, state itself should become the guardian of her. It should also be understood that the responsibility of the state extends to the children who have guardians but whose guardians are poor and not able to give her nutritious food, decent cloths and who are not able to meet non-fee educational expenditure. The state shall provide every child what ever it requires to continue its education. Some children may require food, shelter, clothing education material and health services, they shall be provided all their needs. It means they require government residential schools. Majority children do not require residence, they can well stay with the parents, but, they require other things including nutritious food for three times a day. They shall be provided those needs through school. That is the only way to arrest drop out and achieve high rate retention of the children in schools. Mid day meal programme in Andhra Pradesh helped an increase in retention of children in schools. This shows very clearly how such support programmes can increase retention. Bihar commission on CSS recommended certain measures in support of the children from poor families. What this paper proposes is that the state shall support every child according to its needs to enable it to continue its education. This paper further proposes that the state support to child to continue her education shall be guaranteed by constitution with suitable amendment to article 21A. Conclusion: Ban on trade in education, ban on different forms of Public Private Participation, ban on establishment of private schools on non-charitable basis only with exemption of article 30 and right to profession as elaborate earlier, extension of universal education up to age 18, strengthening of government schools and taking measures to enable every child to continue her education on regular basis seems to be the issues of paramount importance to achieve the goal of universalization of child education and for establishment of common school system of public education on the basis of neighborhood concept. The seminar may also find time to discuss issue of shifting of school education subject to state list.
Dr Ramesh Patnaik
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| Burger King displayed Hindu deity disrespectfully for promoting a meat sandwich |
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Hindu American Foundation (HAF) leaders demanded that Burger King, the international fast food chain, immediately cease an advertisement campaign it deemed "highly disrespectful and offensive to Hindus worldwide" in a letter sent to corporate headquarters late last Tuesday. The Foundation was alerted by its membership in Spain of a print advertisement depicting an image of the Hindu Goddess, Lakshmi, seated atop a meat sandwich, other foodstuffs and the catch phrase, "A snack that's sacred," in Spanish.
"I was horrified to walk by a Burger King store in my neighborhood to discover an image of the same deity that I worship at my home altar, displayed so disrespectfully promoting a meat sandwich," said Monica Pahilwani, a Spanish Hindu. "A multinational corporation with a global presence should be much more aware of religious and cultural sensitivities, and how truly repelling such an advertisement could be to Hindus."
Hindu depictions of divinity in the form of Gods and Goddesses are sacred to Hindus and the use or consumption of meat in a religious context is generally proscribed. In fact, Hinduism has the highest proportion of vegetarians among the major religious traditions. Spanish Hindus demanding physical removal of all of the ads in Fuengirola, Spain already met some success locally. The geographic reach of the advertisement campaign was unknown, and it is unclear if similar ads are running in other countries as well. The Foundation wrote in its letter that Burger King demonstrated a lack of cultural and religious sensitivity in this case, and asked that the corporation immediately apologize to Spanish Hindus and remove all ads using sacred Hindu images.
"An advertisement knowingly and intentionally using sacred symbols, especially those of another religious tradition, for purely commercial purposes can be offensive in and of itself," stated Suhag Shukla, Managing Director and Legal Counsel for the Foundation, "Compounding this insult is the use of the sacred image for the sale of a meat product--Burger King's judgment in associating a burger with a Hindu Goddess is absolutely baffling."
Just last year, Burger King withdrew an advertisement in Spain and Britain featuring a wrestler wrapped in a Mexican flag, after the Mexican ambassador to Madrid condemned it as offensive. In both the television and poster advertisements, a squat, large-bellied man wrapped in a Mexican flag, appeared opposite an athletic American cowboy to illustrate the cross-border mix of flavors of Burger King's Texican Whopper burger. And earlier this month, an ad using obvious sexual innuendo to sell its "BK Super Seven Incher" in Singapore garnered the criticism of several advertising analysts.
"Burger King, in its efforts to drum up sales, seems to be have taken out of its marketing equation respect of ethno-religious sensitivities," added Shukla. "We are determined to follow this issue to ensure that Burger King stay true to its stated commitment to diversity and inclusion as it reaches out to its global consumers."
The Hindu American Foundation is a 501(c)(3), non-profit, non-partisan organization promoting the Hindu and American ideals of understanding, tolerance and pluralism.
(July 7, 2008) Washington D.C.
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